Less
than a century ago, all the signs indicated that Myanmar would
be one of Asia's greatest success stories. The infrastructure
and social systems bequeathed by decades of British rule of
the nation then known as Burma, as well as its abundance of
natural resources, made it the richest in the region in the
postwar period. But its years as a socialist dictatorship,
as well as its recent isolation under a military junta, have
left the country's economy in tatters, shunned by foreign
governments and private investors alike.
Small
wonder, then, that the recent release of Aung San Suu Kyi,
Nobel laureate and leader of Myanmar's National League for Democracy
(NLD), has provoked such enthusiasm -- both within Myanmar and
abroad. While the terms of her newfound freedom are still
unclear, she has already begun talks on "national reconciliation"
with the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC),
leading many to surmise that democracy -- and more crucially,
prosperity -- may be just around the corner.
This
recent outpouring of optimism has been reflected in the sudden
strength of Myanmar's currency, the kyat. Although the official
rate quoted by government institutions is 6.9 kyat to the
dollar, black market rates have plummeted from 600 to nearly
800 over the past year. Until mid-April, that is, when in
a sudden effort to crack down on currency speculators the
government revoked the licenses of all foreign trading firms
operating in Rangoon and rounded up black market dealers.
The result was, in the words of one anonymous Western diplomat,
"disastrous," and the kyat sunk to a historic low of over
1000 to the dollar in early May. Since Suu Kyi's release,
however, the currency has staged a remarkable turnaround,
settling in the 740-770 range.
The
currency, along with general economic sentiment, has been
boosted by hopes that Suu Kyi's release will lead to the lifting
of sanctions currently placed on the country by the governments
of the U.S. and Europe. But long-term realities are likely
to soon overpower these short-term joys. Although the international
community has unanimously hailed the military junta's decision,
there have been no indications that its stance on doing business
with Myanmar has altered. More importantly, Suu Kyi herself
has stated that, as far as the NLD's negative views on foreign
investment and aid go, "nothing has changed."
The
questionable state of Myanmar's infrastructure is also unlikely
to change anytime soon. The junta has shown no willingness
to abandon its currency peg, which allows it to use the official
kyat rate in any "joint" ventures with foreign companies.
Even in the capital, Rangoon, electricity is sporadic - most
major hotels and offices are forced to rely on generators.
Combined with the SPDC's recent move to evict foreign trading
firms from Yangon with little advance warning, potential investors
are not yet convinced the time is right to make serious commitments.
If
there is a bright spot for Myanmar's ailing economy, it may
be in the realm of tourism. The Pacific Asia Travel Association
(PATA)'s recent decision to hold its annual Mekong forum in
Yangon, as well as the growing number of independent travelers
exploring the country, indicate the government's efforts to
market Myanmar as a desirable destination may be paying off.
Suu Kyi's release, despite the fact that the NLD's tourism
boycott remains firmly in place, is likely to convince more
people to visit. "I'm confident we'll see a 30 percent rise
in visitors to Myanmar by the end of 2002," says Luzi Matzig,
group managing director of Asian Trails, a Bangkok-based tour
operator active in Myanmar.
But
unfortunately the country's fundamental problems - a lack
of infrastructure, currency reserves, or corporate governance
- are likely to keep it firmly in the bottom tier of Asia's
economies. It is up to the junta if they will speed this process
along, thereby earning the assistance of the foreign community,
or draw it out by once again trying to go it alone.