Latin
America and the Caribbean - Fork in the Road
By
Scott B. MacDonald
2002 is going to be a
busy year on the electoral front for Latin America and the
Caribbean. In South America, Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia and
Ecuador go to the polls, while Costa Rica does the same in
Central America. Argentina could also go to the polls, depending
on what occurs with the economy and a supreme court justice
opinion pertaining to the legality of the Duhalde government.
In the Caribbean, elections are scheduled in the Dominican
Republic and Haiti and are likely in Trinidad & Tobago, where
the two major parties share an equal number of seats in parliament
and cannot agree on a speaker. Although there has been some
occasional rule-bending, it would appear that with the exception
of Venezuela (where there was a recent coup attempt in April)
and Cuba (a dictatorship), Latin America has come to accept
change through the ballot box. This does not mean that democracy
is well-entrenched, but rather that democratic rules are in
place at least in a superficial sense.
Latin American remains
an important region for the United States, Europe and industrialized
Asia in terms of trade and investment relations. Yet, the
current struggle to recover positive growth momentum is having
an effect in the region's politics. Argentina, once the prize
pupil of the neo-Liberal economists, has imploded under the
weight of an onerous external debt burden, inflexible labor
laws, and a political elite wracked by corruption and scandals.
Although the region largely avoided contagion from Argentina,
the longer that country's economic crisis continues, the greater
the risk that other countries will be sucked in, which appears
to be the case of Uruguay.
While Argentina sinks,
there is increasing evidence that globalization has not lived
up to the high expectations of many well-wishers. Clearly,
the downturn in the U.S. and Canadian economies was accompanied
by downturns throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. As
Anne Kruger, First Deputy Managing Director for the International
Monetary Fund noted in May, 2002: "Finally, the synchronized
downturn reflected separate but coincident local disturbances,
including the bursting of the IT bubble in the U.S., the energy
crisis in Brazil, natural disasters in Central America, an
outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in Uruguay and - most dramatic
- the crisis in Argentina."
The cyclical economic
downturn and increased sensitivity to the international economy
in Latin America has also led some to criticize globalization
as a force for negative change. According to the United Nations
Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLA),
the "increasing demands for competitiveness posed by globalization
harmed employment, education and social protection interests
in the region." ECLA's most recent data indicates that 44%
of Latin Americans lives below the poverty line, with a further
25-30% of the population having a good chance of slipping
below it in the near future.
The difficult economic
environment has led to the rise of a class of populist politicians
who call for simple solutions to complex problems. This includes
Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Eduardo Duhalde in Argentina, and
presidential candidates such as Brazil's Ignaco da Silva (popularly
known as Lula). Considering that globalization has made Latin
America much more sensitive to the ups and downs of the global
economy, a simple response clearly has an appeal. That response
is that market capitalism must not be left unfettered, but
controlled and channeled from commanding heights by the government.
While this thinking clearly has neo-Marxist groundings, most
of the populists grudgingly recognize it will be difficult
to overturn many of the earlier reforms that opened up their
economies. Consequently, Latin America's political terrain
has become an uneasy competition between those still favoring
market-oriented reform and open economies and those preferring
greater regulation, controls and protectionist trade policies.
Ironically, the Bush administration's protectionist trade
policies are giving Latin America's populists something to
cheer about, considering that the most "free trade" nation
is happy to slap on protectionist measures to win domestic
votes - something they would like to do as well.
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Editor: Dr. Scott B. MacDonald, Sr. Consultant
Deputy Editor: Dr. Jonathan Lemco, Director and Sr. Consultant
Associate Editors: Robert Windorf, Darin Feldman
Publisher: Keith W. Rabin, President
Web Design: Michael Feldman, Sr. Consultant
Contributing Writers to this Edition: Scott B. MacDonald, Keith W. Rabin, Uwe Bott, Jonathan Lemco, Jim Johnson, Andrew Novo, Joe Moroney, Russell Smith, and Jon Hartzell
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