APEC: Going, Going,
Gone?
By
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard, Ph.D.
On October 26 and
27, the 10th Economic Leader’s Meeting of the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum took place in Los Cabos, Mexico.
At this meeting, the leaders of APEC’s 21 member states
and their ministers discussed measures to liberalize and increase
trade and investment in the Asia-Pacific Region (APR). Although
APEC is an economic forum, the recent terrorist bombing in Bali,
North Korea’s revelation that it illegally continued its
nuclear weapons program, and the prospective war against Iraq
meant that security issues occupied a place of great prominence
at the meeting.
In the view of some, the stress on terrorism and the so-called
“Axis of Evil” have caused APEC to lose its focus.
Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo commented, “my
concern is how the terrorists have shifted our attention away
from how to work to make the global economy thrive.” This
shift, which began at the 2001 APEC meeting in Shanghai, has alarmed
businesspeople who worry not only that security concerns will
distract APEC leaders from economic issues, but also that they
will result in new trade and investment barriers. As well, the
emphasis on security issues has emboldened critics to emphasize
the continuing gap between the forum’s grandiose pronouncements
and its actual economic achievements.
Has APEC really become a meaningless talking shop? Although APEC
has not produced dramatic changes à la the European Union
(an unfair benchmark), its accomplishments compare favorably against
the achievements of similar regional economic arrangements in
Africa, East Asia, Latin America, and South Asia. Furthermore,
APEC contributes to global liberalization efforts. Moreover, contrary
to conventional wisdom, the new focus on security actually may
advance the cause of economic integration among APEC’s member
states. Indeed, it must be acknowledged that terrorism and security
issues have economic ramifications.
In Los Cabos, APEC leaders encouraged a successful conclusion
to the World Trade Organization (WTO) Doha negotiating round,
supported efforts to ensure that the benefits of liberalization
are distributed more widely, stressed the importance of improving
the soundness, openness, and efficiency of regional financial
systems, and supported additional discussions on structural reforms
in the APR. In addition, they “resolved to continue and
accelerate progress towards the achievement of the [APEC’s
1994] Bogor goals,” which called for the complete and total
elimination of tariffs and trade barriers in all sectors by 2010
for developed countries and by 2020 for developing countries and
praised the strengthened peer review process of the member state
individual action plans. Finally, APEC leaders recognized a need
to improve security and further anti-terrorism cooperation.
On a more specific level, APEC leaders endorsed the “Trade
Facilitation Action Plan” which calls for a 5 percent reduction
in transaction costs in the region by 2006. Furthermore, they
emphasized greater support for micro, small, and medium enterprises.
As well, they created a life-sciences innovation forum to facilitate
efforts to deal with diseases. Beyond these steps, they agreed
to pursue the implementation of APEC Transparency Standards. These
standards require the publication of laws and regulations, and
administrative rulings, call for more open and impartial administrative
procedures, and encourage the increased dissemination of data
on monetary, financial, and fiscal affairs and policies. APEC
leaders too emphasized the need to remove restrictions relating
to the digital economy and to enforce WTO intellectual property
right protections, and supported a long-term moratorium on customs
duties on electronic transmissions.
As asserted above, APEC advances the cause of global liberalization.
This is so because it champions liberal economic norms—this
is not an inconsequential fact at a time when many countries are
experiencing economic stresses that give them strong incentives
to adopt protectionism. APEC’s embrace of liberalization
is particularly important for Doha’s support in the developing
world. After all, APEC includes many developing states and stresses
the elimination of agricultural subsidies, an issue of great import
to developing countries. APEC also can facilitate global trade
and investment liberalization through its capacity building efforts
and the dissemination of capacity building models and aid elsewhere.
Moreover, it can help global liberalization by encouraging the
consistency of regional and bilateral trade and investment agreements
with WTO rules. Finally, APEC can produce agreements that serve
as the basis for global liberalization measures.
Advancing further down the path first taken in Shanghai, APEC
leaders adopted a statement on Fighting Terrorism and Promoting
Growth. This statement commits APEC members to fast-track action
designed to enhance the safety of air travel, to increase coordination
among immigration officials, to establish computer security standards,
and to improve anti-piracy cooperation. More specifically, APEC
leaders embraced inter alia a container security regime, the implementation
of common standards for electronic customs reporting and air passenger
information, steps to improve the integrity of financial systems,
and the creation of national financial intelligence and cybercrime
units.
The aforementioned statement labels “Terrorism a direct
challenge to APEC’s goals.” It is presumptuous, however,
to assume that terrorism will provide a unifying threat among
APEC’s membership since it need not affect all APEC countries
equally. Nevertheless, it still can advance APEC’s goals
beyond the obvious fact that it prods states to create a secure
operating environment for business. First, the potency of national
security rhetoric and the possible involvement of new groups (e.g.,
militaries and police) in debates about economic policy can empower
the forces of liberalization against protectionist groups. Second,
improvements in the transparency and standardization of financial
systems, customs processes, and transportation—ostensibly
designed to fight terrorism—will facilitate cross-border
investment and commerce, and the elimination of non-tariff barriers.
Third, a focus on terrorism may encourage real efforts to broaden
the benefits of globalization as a way to fight the poverty that
fuels terrorism. More widely dispersed benefits, in turn, can
increase support for further liberalization.
APEC always will be limited in what it can do because of the diversity
of its membership, its lack of enforcement mechanisms, and the
unwillingness of APEC members to approach liberalization in a
legalistic and formal fashion. Furthermore, domestic special interest
groups in countries like Japan are a serious obstacle to major
progress. President Bush’s reported displeasure with APEC’s
tepid support for a war with Iraq and for action against North
Korea is a dark cloud on the horizon, particularly if it reduces
American interest in and attention given to APEC. Another dark
cloud is the increasing attention given to bilateral free trade
arrangements (FTAs) by the U.S. and other countries. FTAs can
distract from region-wide initiatives and create a patchwork of
conditions that hinder regional agreements.
APEC is not perfect, but represents something more than an excuse
for policymakers to travel to resort communities, don different
outfits, and sing songs. Despite criticisms that Los Cabos hardly
advanced APEC’s grandiose Bogor agenda, the fact remains
that APEC has taken specific steps that benefit companies ranging
from high-tech and pharmaceutical firms to banks and investment
banks. Moreover, it has supported the cause of trade and investment
liberalization within the region and at the global level. These
are not inconsequential results for an organization whose members
account for 60 percent of global gross domestic product and 50
percent of global trade. Indeed, APEC’s removal of red tape,
and the adoption of standard customs procedures, and other trade
facilitation measures, could boost trade among its membership
by $280 billion.